Amid the escalation of territorial disputes over the South China Sea and the debut of two new members, the United States and Russia, the East Asia Summit (EAS) is facing an arduous and complicated task trying to set its agenda in the run-up to its sixth meeting, due to be held in Indonesia on Saturday.

China is an original and core member of the EAS, but whether its political wishes will be realized at the summit and to what extent the summit will influence China's surrounding diplomatic landscape depends on what is on the agenda. The discussions could influence the security environment of the whole East Asia.

China persistently adheres to its stance that the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) should play the leading role in the region. It is China's belief that with ASEAN taking the leading role in the region, the different stances of the parties concerned can be coordinated, which will prevent the EAS from becoming merely a platform for political differences among the major powers. Meanwhile, it urges the new members to play a constructive role in keeping the EAS open, inclusive and transparent.

China holds that the EAS should be a mechanism in which members focus on the pursuit of common ground and cooperation instead of a forum for divergences and disagreements. Within the EAS framework, members should pay attention to their common interests and development and regard non-traditional security issues as the focal point of their political cooperation and dialogue. It is China's hope that all participating countries will show each other mutual respect and not interfere in another's internal affairs and that all members will respect the national interests of others.

It is also China's hope that all members will focus on the common and widespread problems facing all EAS members, especially non-traditional security issues where there is much potential for broad cooperation.

Some countries are actively trying to push for the "internationalization" of the South China Sea issue and it seems unavoidable that they will attempt to force the issue on to the EAS agenda. In their eyes, the summit offers a rare opportunity to rally support and so increase the pressure on China. This, they believe, will help them acquire more bargaining chips for their bilateral talks with Beijing on other issues. Fortunately, those ASEAN members that have no direct interest in the issue are unlikely to be ensnared in such a strategy.

China hopes the majority of ASEAN members will not entangle themselves in the South China Sea disputes, which it seeks to resolve trough bilateral dialogues with the countries concerned.

However, some countries have misinterpreted China's willingness to talk as a sign of diplomatic weakness and are trying to "internationalize" the issue. Japan, India and Australia are not seeking conflict with China, they are only pursuing their own interests through this internationalization of the issue.

Under these circumstances, the US' stance will decide how positive the outcome is for the summit.

Ostensibly, the US has adopted a tough stance on the South China Sea issue, as indicated by the provocative remarks Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has made on several occasions. Clinton has even claimed the issue pertains to US national interests. However, such remarks do not mean Washington inevitably wants the South China Sea issue on the summit's agenda.

As tensions in Sino-US relations are yet to be ironed out following the US' arms sales to Taiwan and the fierce bilateral rows that have erupted over the exchange rate of the Chinese currency, and at a time when Vice-President Xi Jinping's visit to the US is still pending, the US has little desire to get its teeth into a new bone of contention with China, especially on an issue that is of no relevance to the US' immediate national interests.

The US will want to show solidarity with its Asian allies at the summit on the South China Sea issue and meet their expectations, but Washington will likely try to avoid plunging itself into direct conflict with China on this issue.

The author is a researcher with the Institute of American Studies under the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.